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Notes

1

Clavigero says that Cortes had some troops of the Totanacas, among whom were forty nobles, serving at the same time as auxiliaries, and as hostages for the fidelity of their nation.-Clavig. II. 30.

2

In Clavigero, II. 29. the army of Cortes on this occasion is stated to have amounted to 415 Spanish infantry and 16 cavalry. E.

3

In Clavigero, II. 31. Iztacmaxitlan is said to have been the next stage after leaving Xocotla, and is described as a populous district, with a strong city or fortress on a high rock, defended by barbicans and ditches. E.

4

In Clavigero, II. 31. Xicocentcatl Maxicatizin, is given as the name of one chief; and only three other lords or great caciques are said to have then borne sway in the Tlascalan republic, Tlekul, Xolotzin, and Citlalpocatzin. The person named Chichimecatecle by Diaz, is called Chichimeca Teuchtli by Clavigero: But it is impossible to reconcile the differences between these authors respecting the other names of the chiefs, nor is it important. E.

5

Clavigero, II. 37. says the grand standard of the republic of Tlascala, used on this occasion, was a golden eagle with expanded wings. E.

6

According to Clavigero, II. 37. Xicotencatl, to show how little he regarded the Spaniards, sent them 300 turkeys and two hundred baskets of tamalli, to recruit their strength before the approaching battle. E.

7

Called the son of Chichimeca Teuctli by Clavigero; perhaps his name was Guaxocingo, and Diaz, after a long interval of time, transposed the names of the father and son. E.

8

It has been already mentioned that Clavigero writes these two as the names of one man, Xicotencatl Maxicatzin, informing us that the latter name signifies the elder. E.

9

This place, so often mentioned by Diaz, seems to be the same called Huexotzinco by Clavigero. E.

10

Clavigero calls this the god of providence, the soul of the world, the creator of heaven and earth, and the master of ill things, the rewarder of the just and the punisher of the wicked. E.

11

Along with the work of Bernal Diaz, and in the history of Mexico by Clavigero, there are representations of ancient Mexican temples. In both they consist of six frustums of truncated pyramids, placed above each other, having a gallery or open walk around at each junction, and straight outside stairs reaching between each gallery, not unlike the representations that have been ideally formed of the tower of Babel. E.

12

Clavigero pretends that the defeat and death of Escalante were known to Cortes and his followers while at Cholula. This is highly improbable, both from the narrative of Diaz, and because Cortes would not certainly have put himself entirely in the power of Montezuma, after this unequivocal demonstration of resolute enmity. E.

13

In the original of Diaz they are said to have retreated to Almeria, but this is an obvious mistake. Almeria, according to Clavigero, II. 55, was the name given by the Spaniards to Nauhtlan, a city on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, thirty-six miles north of Villa Rica, which was governed by Quauhpopoca for Montezuma, and by whom the Mexican detachment was commanded by which Escalente was defeated. E.

14

It is obvious from a circumstance in the sequel of this story that Diaz and other soldiers attended Cortes on this occasion. Clavigero, II. 77. says there were twenty-five soldiers besides the five captains, who repaired two by two to the palace, and joined Cortes there as if by accident. This daring transaction took place eight days after the arrival of Cortes in the city of Mexico. E.

15

Diaz calls this Tuzapan; but as Nauhtlan was in the country of the Totonacas, called Totonacapan by the Mexicans, we have chosen here and everywhere else that this could be done with certainty, to adopt the orthography of Clavigero. E.

16

According to Clavigero, II. 82. Quauhpopoca, his son, and fifteen other nobles were cruelly put to death on this occasion. Diaz names the principal chief Quetzalpopoca. E.

17

Diaz says that he assumed the name of Don Carlos on this occasion; but does not allege even that he had been baptised. This name was probably merely imposed upon him by the Spanish soldiery; or he may have acquired it on becoming a Christian after the conquest of Mexico was completed. E.

18

It is impossible now to say what were these jewels so much valued by the Mexicans. Clavigero, I. 422, enumerates among their precious stones, "Emeralds, amethysts, cornelians, turquoises, and others not known in Europe." In another passage, I. 424, he mentions many small red stones similar to rubies, as among the Mexican curiosities transmitted to Charles V. by Cortes. E.

19

We are duly sensible of the divine super-excellence of Christianity, and the gross barbarism of idolatry joined with abominable human sacrifices. Yet, the mere change of two crossed sticks and the images of Saint Somebody or Saint Nobody, for the idols of the Mexicans, under pretence of introducing the pure religion of the meek and holy Jesus, seems in our humble opinion a mere qui pro quo; and, when taken in conjunction with the proposed conversion by military execution, and the introduction of the bloody tribunal of the Inquisition, not one iota less idolatrous or less barbarous. E.

20

Bernal Diaz neglects to accommodate his readers with the very useful appendage of dates; it therefore may be proper to remark that the Spaniards entered the city of Mexico for the first time on the 8th November 1519; and as Cortes left it in the beginning of May 1520, in his march against Narvaez, he had now spent about six months in the capital of a mighty empire, with hardly 450 soldiers. E.

21

The date is supplied in the text from attentive consideration of dates mentioned by Diaz in the sequel, and in this date Clavigero, II. 97, agrees. Diaz gives no account of the strength of Cortes on the present occasion, but afterwards mentions 206 soldiers, with five horsemen and two gunners, independent of 70 more who joined under Sandoval from the garrison of Villa Rica. This would make the whole force 285 soldiers, against 1400 who were under the command of Narvaez. E.

22

No such place is to be found in the map of Clavigero, nor in that recently published by Humbolt. E.

23

These numbers, as arranged for the attack on Narvaez, only amount to 230 men. At the occupation of Mexico the Spanish army is said to have been about 450, besides the garrison of Villa Rica. Eighty-three men are stated to have been left in Mexico under the command of Alvarado, which would still leave 367 to march under Cortes for Chempoalla, to which 70 being added from Villa Rica under Sandoval, would raise the amount of the army now under Cortes to about 437 men, so that about 207 are unaccounted for in the arrangement for the attack, besides Ordas, and other eminent captains are not now mentioned in the text. We may, therefore, reasonably conclude, that these captains and the unaccounted for remaining force of Cortes, were left at the ford of the river, about a league from Chempoalla, as a rear guard, on which to retreat in case of a defeat, or may have formed a main body for the assault. E.

24

This victory of Cortes over Narvaez took place on the 26th May 1520. E.

25

We are not writing the history of the conquest of Mexico, yet may be allowed to say that Cortes committed a gross military error, in entering Mexico without establishing a strong communication of posts between that insulated city and the land, along one of the causeways; which he might easily have done along the shortest causeway of Tacuba or Tlacopan, or by the aqueduct of Chapoltepec. E.

26

It is to be noticed that the lake in which the city of Mexico was built contained water so salt as to be unfit for drinking. E.

27

This prince, whom Diaz names Coadlavaca, was brother to Montezuma, prince of Iztapalapan, and Tlachcocoatl, or grand general of the Mexican army. E.

28

The expression in the text, of having nearly reached the firm land, is rather obscure, and may possibly mean that they had nearly forced their way along one of the causeways leading from the insular city to the continental shore of the lake. E.

29

Tlaltelulco was the name of that division of the city of Mexico through which the Spaniards marched in their way towards the causeway of Tacuba, and was probably used to summon the inhabitants of that quarter to the attack. E.

30

Clavigero, II. 116, says that the miserable remnant of the Spaniards assembled in Popotla, a village near Tacuba or Tlacopan. Diaz is often negligent of dates, but we learn in a subsequent passage, that this disastrous retreat from Mexico was on the 1st of July 1520. E.

31

This place is about nine miles W.N.W. from Mexico, and only about a mile and a half from Tacuba. Its Mexican name, according to Clavigero, was Otoncalpolco. It is almost in an opposite direction from the road to Tlascala, but was probably chosen on purpose to avoid the populous hostile vale of Mexico, and to get as soon as possible among the hills, and among some of the conquered tribes who bore the Mexican yoke with impatience. Clavigero says that the Spaniards procured at this place some refreshments from a tribe of Otomies, who inhabited two neighbouring hamlets. E.

32

The distance from where they now were to Tlascala was between 80 and 90 miles in a straight line; but as they chose a very circuitous route, by the west and north of the lakes in the vale of Mexico, before turning south-eastwards to Tlascala, their march must have much exceeded that distance. E.

33

Named Quauhtitlan by Clavigero, and Guautitlan, Huauhtitlan or Teutitlan, in Humboldts map of the Vale of Mexico. E.

34

As related in the text, this march to the villages appears to have been made on the same day with that to Guauhtitlan, and the battle of Otumba or Otompan, to have been fought on the second day of the march from Popotla or Los Remedios. But the distances and difficulty of the march renders this almost impossible. The chronology and distances, taking the names of some of the stages from Clavigero, II. 117, and the distances from Humboldts map, may have been as follows; Retreat from Mexico to Popotla, 1st July, 9 miles. March to Quauhtitlan, 2d July, 10 miles. To Xoloc, 3d July, 13 miles. To Zacamolco, 4th July, 10 miles. To Otompan, 5th July, 3 miles:-and indeed these dates are sufficiently confirmed by Diaz himself in the sequel. E.

35

According to Clavigero, II. 118, this standard was a net of gold fixed to a staff ten palms long, which was firmly tied to his back, and was called by the Mexicans Tlahuizmatlaxopilli. E.

36

Cortes entered Mexico with above 1300 men, and there were there under Alvarado about 75. Of these above 870 were slain, down to the close of the battle of Otumba; so that about 500 still remained under the command of Cortes. Diaz reckons only 440; but these were probably exclusive of such as were entirely disabled from service by their wounds. E.

37

A long digression is here omitted, in which Diaz severely reprehends the account given by Gomara of this and other transactions in his history of the conquest of Mexico, altogether uninteresting to the English reader. E.

38

Clavigero, II. 132, mentions about this time an expedition against Tochtepec, a considerable town on the river of Papaloapan, in which Salcedo and a detachment of 80 Spaniards were entirely cut off. E.

39

This must have been a very considerable treasure. On one occasion, Clavigero reckons a load of gold at 800 ounces. The eighty Tlascalans might therefore carry off 64,000 ounces, which at 4 the ounce, is worth 256,000 Sterling, and of considerably more efficacious value in those days than a million is now. E.

40

According to Clavigero, II. 135, the Spanish force at this time amounted to forty cavalry, divided into four troops, and 550 infantry, in nine companies: But he swells the auxiliary force of the Tlascalans to 110,000 men. E.

41

In the very imperfect maps of Diaz and Clavigero, Tezcuco is placed near the mouth of a rivulet which discharges itself into the lake of Mexico: In the former, the buildings are represented as extending two miles and a half along the rivulet, and coming close to the edge of the lake; but the map of Clavigero has no scale. In the map given by Humboldt, Tezcuco is placed on a rising ground, near two miles from the edge of the lake. But the lake has since the time of Cortes been much diminished in extent by a grand drain, insomuch that Mexico, formerly insulated, is now a mile and a half from the lake. E.

42

On this occasion Diaz mentions the inhabitants of Chalco, Tlalmalanco, Mecameca, and Chimaloacan, as the allies of the Spaniards; but these states do not appear to have submitted to the Spaniards till afterwards. Cortes employed the interval, from his arrival at Tezcuco in the end of December 1520, to the investment of Mexico, at the end of May 1521, five months, in detaching a great number of the native states from their dependence upon Mexico. E.

43

From the circumstance of the gold, it is probable Yuste and his companions had been slain on their retreat from Mexico, not on their way there as stated in the text. From this and other similar incidents, of parties of Spaniards having been slain in different places after the retreat from Mexico, it is highly probable that several detached parties made their escape, who missed forming a junction with Cortes. He, it will be recollected, made a detour round the west and south sides of the lake; and it is probable that they had turned to the east, as the nearest and most direct way to Tlascala and Villa Rica. E.

44

Clavigero, II. 146, exaggerates the armed escort to 30,000 Tlascalan warriors, commanded by three chiefs, Chichimecatl, Ayotecatl, and Teotlipil. Diaz calls the two last, Teuleticle and Teatical; but though his facts are fully more to be depended upon, Clavigero may be accounted better versant in Mexican orthography. E.

45

Clavigero, II. 146, quotes Diaz as saying that it extended six miles from front to rear. This may very likely have been the case, but Diaz nowhere specifies the length of the line. E.

46

Clavigero says, 350 Spanish infantry, 25 horsemen, and 30,000 Tlascalans, with six small cannon. E.

47

Clavigero, II. 147, says that Cortes endeavoured at this time, but in vain, to come to an amicable agreement with the court of Mexico. E.

48

In this expedition Cortes appears, by the information of Clavigero, II. 152, to have crossed the southern mountains of the Mexican vale, and to have reduced Huastepec, Jautepec, Quauhnahuac, and other towns belonging to the Tlahuicas, who were subject to the Mexican empire; thus judiciously using his endeavours to strengthen his own party and to weaken that of the Mexicans, before proceeding to assail the capital of that powerful empire. E.

49

This beautiful city was the largest in the vale of Mexico, after the capital and the royal residences of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, and was famous for its floating gardens, whence it derived its name, signifying flower gardens in the Mexican language.-Clavig. II. 155.

50

Diaz mentions a poem circulated at the time, as beginning in reference to the melancholy of Cortes on this occasion, somewhat in the following strain:

In Tacuba was Cortes, with many a gallant chief; He thought upon his losses, and bow'd his head with grief.

51

Clavigero, II. 159, carries the number of allies which joined Cortes on this occasion, to more than 200,000 men. In his enumeration of the several divisions of the army appointed for the investment of Mexico, Diaz makes the Indian allies very little more than 24,000 warriors. E.

52

Diaz mentions, that about this time intelligence came to Tezcuco, that three of our soldiers who had been left by Pizarro to search for mines in the country of the Zapotecas had been put to death by the Mexicans, one only, named Barrientos, having escaped to Chinantla, where he was protected by the natives. E.

53

According to Clavigero, II. 162, the 30th of May 1521, on which day Cortes dated the commencement of this memorable siege. E.

54

Corpus Christi fell that year, according to Clavigero, on the 30th May, so that the occupation of Iztapalapa, by which the investment of Mexico was completed, was on the 3d of June.

55

The whole of this topographical account of Mexico and its approaches is added by the editor, and has been placed in the text, distinguished by inverted commas, as too long for a note. A plan is added, constructed from a comparison of the maps in Diaz and Clavigero, both evidently drawn without any actual survey, and corrected by means of the excellent map of the vale of Mexico given by Humboldt. By means of a great drain, made considerably posterior to the conquest, the lake has been greatly diminished in magnitude, insomuch that the city is now above three miles from the lake; so that the accurate map of Humboldt does not now serve for the ancient topography of Mexico and its near environs. E.

56

It is hard to guess which way the brigantines could get there, as by the maps both of Diaz and Clavigero, the great double causeway of Xoloc or Iztapalapa, ought to have completely prevented his penetrating to that part of the lake. It was probably Xoloc against which this attack was made, and Diaz may have mistaken the name after an interval of fifty-one years; for so long intervened between the siege of Mexico in 1521, and 1572, when he informs us his history was concluded. E.

57

Perhaps along the mound or causeway of Mexicaltzinco; by which he approached towards the great causeway of Xoloc, and the position of De Oli at Cojohuacan. E.

58

Though not mentioned by Diaz, this necessarily implies that one of the bridges of each causeway must have been taken possession of by the Spaniards, to allow the brigantines to get through into those parts of the lake which were intersected by the causeways. E.

59

Though not especially mentioned by Diaz, it appears that Cortes had taken the immediate command of the detachment of De Oli, at Cojohuacan, which formed the southern attack. E.

60

On some former occasions the xiquipil has been already explained as denoting eight thousand men. E.

61

Clavigero, II. 180, supplies the brevity used by Diaz on this occasion. He says that the chiefs of the districts of Matlatzinco, Malinalco, and Cohuixco came to Cortes and entered into a confederacy with him against Mexico; by which means, added to his former alliances, he was now able to have employed "more warriors against Mexico than Xerxes did against Greece." Clavigero everywhere deals in monstrous exaggeration, while Diaz is uniformly modest, and within due bounds of credibility. Even in the few miracles of which Diaz makes mention, his credulity is modestly guarded by devout fear of the holy office. E.

62

The whole western division of Mexico called Tlaltelolco was now in possession of the Spaniards, and probably destroyed by them to secure their communications; and the miserable remnant of the brave Mexicans had retired into the eastern division, named Tenochtitlan. E.

63

According to the genealogy of the Mexican kings in Clavigero, I. 240, this princess, whose name was Tecuichpotzin, was queen successively to her uncle Cuitlahuatzin, and her cousin Guatimotzin. After the conquest, she became a Christian, by the name of Donna Elizabeta Montezuma, marrying three noble Spaniards in succession; and from her descended the two noble families of Cano Montezuma, and Andrea Montezuma. Montezuma left likewise a son, Don Pedro Johualicahuatxin Montezuma, whose male descendants failed in a great-grandson; but there are several noble families both in Spain and Mexico descended from that sovereign of Mexico in the female line. E.

64

We have formerly said, on the authority of Clavigero, that the siege of Mexico commenced on the 30th of May, and as it ended on the 13th of August, the siege, by this mode of reckoning, could only have lasted 76 days. It is highly probable, therefore, that the commencement of the siege must have been on the 13th of May, and the 30th of Clavigero may only be an error of the press. E.

65

The province here named Panuco, is situated on the coast of the gulf of Mexico, at the mouth of a considerable river which drains the superfluous waters of the Mexican vale, named at first Rio del Desague, then Rio de Tula, and Rio Tampico at its mouth, in about lat. 22 15' N. The Modern town of Panuco is about 200 miles almost due north from Mexico. E.

66

These were probably the Chichimecas and Otomies, who inhabited to the north-west of the Mexican empire. E.

67

From these slight notices, nothing certain can be gathered respecting these large bones: Yet there is every reason to believe they must have been of the same kind with those now familiar to the learned world, under the name of Mammoth. The vale of Mexico has every indication of having once been an immense inland lake, and the other big bones of North America have all been found in places of a similar description. The greatest deposit of these hitherto known, is at a place called big-bone-swamp, near the Mississippi, in the modern state of Kentucky. E.

68

This expedition appears to have been for the reduction of certain provinces to the south-east of the vale of Mexico, now forming the intendency of Oaxaca, inhabited by the Mixtecas and Tzapotecas. The Tustepeque of the text, was probably a town on the Boca de Chacahua on the South Sea, now called Tututepec, in lat. 15 50' N. and long. 100 15' E. On the very imperfect map of Clavigero, it is named Tototepec, and is placed in the country of the Mixtecas. E.

69

Named, more appropriately, in the map of Clavigero, Tzapoteca-pan. E.

70

I suspect this ought to be named Chinantla. E.

71

This way probably be some corruption of the native name of the Rio Coatzacualco, or Huaxacualco; by giving it the ordinary Spanish prefix agua; which signifies water, or a river, with the native termination cualco. E.

72

This is probably the river of Nueva Santander, about 100 miles north from the Rio Tampico or river of Panuco-E.

73

A very uninteresting episode, respecting the misfortunes of the liceniate Zuazo, who has been formerly mentioned, is here omitted, as having no reference whatever to the general history in hand: It is sufficient to say that, after many perils by sea and land, Zuazo came to Mexico, where Cortes gave him the office of alcalde-major, which seems to have resembled our provost-marshal, or chief military judge. E.

74

Though without any warrant for this purpose, we believe that the numbers of these allies ought to have been reckoned by thousands instead of hundreds. E.

75

Diaz is often variable in his orthography of Indian names; calling this people in different places, Gueguestitlans, Guehuistlans, and Quiahuistlans. E.

76

This probably alludes to lawyers, as on a former occasion, Diaz mentions a request from the Spaniards that none of that fraternity might be sent over to New Spain, probably to avoid the introduction of litigious law suits. E.

77

Like the solitary Phoenix, I, without a peer, serve you, who have no equal in the world.

78

In Clavigero, at the close of Vol. I. this lady is named Donna Jeroma Ramirez de Arrellano y Zuniga, daughter of Don Carlos Ramiro de Arellano, Count of Auguiller, by Donna Jeroma de Zuniga, a daughter of the Count of Benares, eldest son of Don Alvaro de Zuniga, duke of Bejar. After two male descents from this marriage, the Marquisate of the Valley of Oaxaca, and the great estates of Cortes in New Spain, fell, by various collateral female descents, to the Neapolitan family of Pignatelli, duke of Montelione and Terranova, marquis of the Valley of Oaxaca, Grandee of Spain, and prince of the Roman empire. E.

79

The true lion, Felis leo, is only found in the old world, chiefly in Africa and the south of Persia. The American lion, or puma, the Felis concolor of naturalists, is considerably less than the true lion, being about the size of a large wolf, of a lively red colour tinged with black, but without spots. It climbs trees, whence it drops down by surprise on animals passing below; and though fierce and cunning, hardly ever ventures to attack mankind. E.

80

The iguana, instead of being a serpent, is a large species of lizard, the Lacerta iguana of naturalists. It abounds in all the warm and marshy parts of America, and is reckoned excellent eating. E.

81

Diaz is very lax in his topographical notices of this famous expedition. The settlement of St Gil de Buena Vista, where Cortes now was, appears to have been at the bottom of the gulf of Amatique in the bay of Honduras, on the east side of the inlet which communicates with the golfo dolce. His exploration of that inland gulf, was probably in the hope of finding a navigable passage to the Pacific Ocean. The settlement which Cortes projected in Puerto Cavallos, must have been near that now called Fort Omoa. E.

82

These islands of Guanajes appear to be those called by the English settlers of Honduras, Ratan and Bonaeo, off cape Honduras. E.

83

The harbour of Medelin is fifteen or twenty miles south from Vera Cruz; but I suspect the place named St Juan de Ulua in the text is the modern town of Vera Cruz, the harbour of which is protected by the island and castle of St Juan de Ulua. The ancient town of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, now called Antigua, is about twenty-five miles north from modern Vera Cruz. E.

84

Diaz is frequently inattentive to dates, and does not on this occasion inform us of the year: By reference to Robertsons History of America, II. 266, 12mo. ed Lond. 1800, it certainly apoears to have been in the year 1524. E.

85

It may be proper to remark in this place, that the cacao nuts were used by the Mexicans before the conquest as a medium for purchases of small value instead of money, and the practice was continued under the Spanish dominion, as the markets were supplied by the original natives. Clavigero, I. 366. says that the Mexicans used five substitutes for money. 1. Cacao, which they counted by xiquipils, or in sacks containing each three xiquipils, or 24,000 nuts. 2. Small cotton cloths, called patolquachtli. 3. Gold dust in goose quills. 4. Pieces of copper in the form of the letter T. 5. Thin pieces of tin. E.

86

According to Robertson, II. 266. Cortes took the resolution of returning into Spain to avoid exposing himself to the ignominy of a trial in Mexico, the scene of his triumphs, on hearing that a commission of inquiry into his conduct was on the point of coming out to New Spain for that purpose. Diaz almost perpetually neglects dates, in the latter part of his work especially: but we learn from Robertson that it was now the year 1528. E.

87

The Mexican Tiger, or Jaguar, called Tlatlauhqui ocelotl by the Mexicans, the felis onca of naturalists, is of a yellowish colour with cornered annular spots, which are yellow in the middle. It grows to the size of a wolf or large dog, and resembles the Bengal tiger, felis tigris, in craft and cruelty, but not in size or courage. E.

88

Perhaps the Balsam of Capivi, which is of that consistence. The indurated balsam may be that of Tolu. E.

89

These were albinos, an accidental or diseased rariety of the human species, having chalky white skins, pure white hair, and a want of the pigmentum nigrum of the eye. The white rabbit is a plentiful example of animal albinos, which variety continues to propagate its kind. E.

90

According to Herrera, Dec. iv. lib. iij. c. 8. and lib. iv. c. 1. as quoted by Robertson, note cxxiv. the treasure which Cortes took over with him consisted of 1500 marks of wrought plate, 200,000 pesos of fine gold, and 10,000 of inferior standard; besides many rich jewels, one in particular being worth 40,000 pesos. The value of this enumerated treasure amounts to L.104,250 Sterling numerical value; but estimating its efficient value in those days, with Robertson, as equal to six times the present amount, it exceeds L.600,000. E.

91

Those who had worn the san benito, or penal dress, in an auto de fe. In the original translation the descendants of Indians are included in this proscription, which certainly must be an error. E.

92

New Gallicia, to the north-west of Mexico and upon the Pacific Ocean, is now included in the Intendencia of Guadalaxara, and appears to have been named Colima by the Mexicans. E.

93

Mechoacan, to the west of Mexico and reaching to the south sea forms now the Intendency of Valladolid. E.

94

For the information of some readers, it may be proper to observe, that the order of St John of Jerusalem, lately known by the name of the order of Malta, then resided at Rhodes. E.

95

Santa Cruz is a small island in the Vermilion sea, on the eastern coast of California, in lat. 25 23' N. lon. 110 47' W. from Greenwich.-.E

96

This appears to be the country now called Cinaloa, or Culiacan. The strange appellation of the seven cities seems to have reference to that fancied ancient Spanish colony which has been formerly spoken of in the introduction to the discovery of Columbus. E.

97

This name, which is not to be found in any map, is probably a mistake for Zacatula, in lat. 18 N. on the coast of the Pacific Ocean, W.S.W. from Mexico. E.

98

The expedition of Alvarado to Peru will be related in the subsequent chapter. Diaz merely gives this slight hint on the subject. E.

99

In the sixth section of this chapter, it has been already mentioned that Don Pedro Alvarado was married to Donna Luisa the daughter of Xicotencatl, one of the princes or chiefs of Tlascala, through whom he acquired a great inheritance, and by whom he had a son Don Pedro, and a daughter Donna Leonora, married to Don Francisco de la Cueva, cousin to the Duke of Albuquerque, by whom she had four or five sons. The widow of Don Pedro destroyed in Guatimala, seems to have been a second wife-E.

100

This extended account of the descendants of Cortes, is adopted from Clavigero, I. 442. The first paragraph, which enumerates the younger children of the marquis, and his natural children, are from Diaz. There is a difference between these authors in the name of the marchioness, whom Diaz names Donna Juanna, and Clavigero Jeroma: The former likewise names the eldest son of Cortes Martin, and the latter Martinez. E.

101

This refers to the period when Clavigero composed his History of Mexico, about the year 1780; according to Humboldt, the dukes of Montelione retained the vast estates of Cortes in Mexico within the present century. E.

102

This genealogical deduction has been somewhat abridged, as to the multiplicity of high sounding titles, and minute particulars of marriages and noble connections, altogether uninteresting to the English reader. E.

103

In this section Diaz gives a minute enumeration of the valiant companions who passed over to the conquest of Mexico with the most adventurous and most magnanimous Don Hernando Cortes, Marquis of the Valley. This must assuredly be a most valuable document to vast numbers of the present inhabitants of New Spain, by enabling them to trace their honourable descent from the conquerors; but, as totally uninteresting to the English reader, is here omitted. E.

104

These are the ordinary municipal officers of Spanish townships, answerable to our mayors, aldermen, bailiffs, constables, &c. E.

105

History of America, note cxxv.

106

Even the orthography of the name of Pizarro is handed down to us with some variety. In the work of Garcilasso de la Vega it is always spelt Piarro: Besides which, the Inca Garcilasso, in his almost perpetual quotations of our author Zarate, always gives the name Carate; the , or cerilla c, being equivalent in Spanish to the z in the other languages of Europe. E.

107

In a note of the French edition of 1742, it is said that, in the folio edition of Zarate printed at Seville in 1677, Luque was called the father of Almagro, and that no mention is made of that ecclesiastic having taken any part in the expedition. Robertson, in his History of America, II. 273, says that Pizarro was the natural son of a gentleman of honourable family by a low woman, and that his education was so entirely neglected that he could neither read nor write. He adds that, after serving some years in Italy, he embarked for America, where he greatly distinguished himself. In our last chapter, Diaz makes frequent mention of Pizarro as serving with reputation under Cortes, in the early part of the expedition to Mexico; but gives no account of his quitting the service of Cortes; to whom he was probably somehow related, as the mother of Cortes was named Catalina Pizarro Altamirano. Almagro, according to Robertson, was a foundling, and bred like Pizarro in the army. Luque acted as priest and schoolmaster at Panama, and had amassed considerable riches. E.

108

Named Pedrarias by Robertson. E.

109

Chinchama, by the map in Zarate is that part of the western coast of Tierra Firma or Darien, opposite the Isla del Rey. The poor province of Peru, beyond or to the southwards of Cinchama, is that now called Biruquete; and the Pueblo quemada, or Burnt People, must be looked for in the province of Novita, perhaps Nounamas, immediately to the south of which is the river of St Juan. E.

110

Tacamez, otherwise called the district of Esmeraldas, or of emeralds, is in the kingdom of Quito near the equinoctial line. E.

111

Instead of twelve, the text only names eight of the brave associates of Pizarro. E.

112

Morope, in lat. 6 35', in the district of Sana, is in the situation of the place mentioned in the text. E.

113

This river, otherwise called Amatape, runs into the bay of Payta, in lat. 5 10' south. E.

114

Under the name of Peruvian sheep, five species of the Camel genus are known to naturalists, the Glama or Llama, Guanaco, Chillihueque, Vicugna, and Pacos. The three former were used as animals of burthen by the native Peruvians, and domesticated, the two latter, especially the Vicugna, are valuable for the firmness of their fleeces. The three larger species carry loads of about a hundred pounds weight, the other two, when domesticated, may be made to carry smaller burdens of from fifty to seventy-five pounds. E.

115

It was now towards the close of 1527, the third year from the first departure of Pizarro from Panama.-Robertsons America, II. 281.

116

Robertson, II. 284. gives a different account of these four relations of Francisco Pizarro from Zarate. According to him, Ferdinand was the only lawful son of old Gonzalo Pizarro; Francisco, Juan, and the younger Gonzalo being all natural sons; and Francisco de Alcantara was the uncle of Don Francisco, being the brother of his mother. In the sequel, the conqueror of Peru shall be always mentioned by the single name of Pizarro, distinguishing his brothers by the addition of their Christian names. While in Spain, Pizarro received a supply of money from Cortes, under whom he had served in the early part of the conquest of Mexico. E.

117

His commission from the crown of Spain, imposed the condition of raising 250 men, and to supply the ships and warlike stores necessary for the expedition; but his funds and credit were so low that he could hardly complete half the number, and had to steal away from the port of Seville to elude the examination of the officers as to the fulfilment of his contract.-Robertsons America, II. 284.

118

It is impossible to give any competent geographical account of this extensive country in the compass of a note. Proper Peru begins at the river Tumbez in the gulf of Guayaquil, in about lat. 3 20' S. and extends S.S.E. along the Pacific Ocean to the desert of Atacama, which divides it from Chili, in lat. 21 28 S. an extent of about 1200 miles; consisting of two remarkably different tracts of country. A narrow valley along the Pacific Ocean, seldom so much as 70 miles in breadth, bounded on the east by the enormous main ridge of the Andes; beyond which are many elevated vallies or table lands of various extent, divided by collateral ridges and branches of the Andes, from each other and from the prodigiously extensive plains of the vast Orinoco Maranon and La Plata rivers. Quito, which had been annexed to the kingdom of Peru, only a short time before the Spanish conquest, is similarly situated, both as to maritime vale, and elevated table land, immediately to the north of Peru proper, and seems to have reached from lat. 3 20' S. to about lat, 1 N. but is now included in the viceroyalty of New Granada which reaches to the Carribbean sea, with which it is connected by the river Magdalena. E.

119

The substance of this description appears to refer entirely to that province of the kingdom of Quito which is named Esmeraldas or Tacamez, on both sides of the equator. E.

120

Various reasons have been assigned for the origin of the word Peru, as the name of the empire of the Incas, unknown to themselves, at least in that sense. The most probable derivation is from the river Piura, near its northern frontier, where it was first visited by Pizarro. E.

121

This circumstance is unintelligible, as the bones could not shrink, unless by supposing these human heads to have been the heads of small apes, resembling human faces. The expression of the text, immediately before, of human carcasses hung up in the form of crosses, ought perhaps to have been rendered instead of crosses. E.

122

A good deal more is said of these giants, both by Zarate and Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 363, but so vague and absurd as not to be worth insertion. The whole story seems to have arisen out of the colossal representation of a man and woman at Puerto viejo. E.

123

This is merely a repetition of the big bones of Mexico and the Ohio, already referred to the Mammoth, or animal ignotum. E.

124

Puna is in the bay of Guayaquil, in lat. 3 S. and is near thirty leagues in circumference, being about ten leagues long by five in breadth. E.

125

The estimate in the text is exceedingly erroneous. The city of Parto is in lat. 1 12' N. and the Rio de Loa, or commencement of the desert of Atacama, in lat. 21 26' S. which give only a difference of nearly 25 degrees of latitude, which at 17-1/2 Spanish leagues to the degree are only 438 leagues. Even supposing the text to include Chili, which extends to 39 21' S. the whole extent of Peru and Chili is only 753 Spanish leagues. E.

126

This is only to be understood of the period when Zarate wrote, about the middle of the sixteenth century, or two hundred and fifty years ago. The first town he enumerates, Puerto Viejo, is now in the viceroyalty of New Granada. E.

127

The wool-bearing animals of Peru, improperly named sheep, are one or other of the species of camel already mentioned in a former note. E.

128

Instead of four degrees, Quito is only the fourth part of a degree beyond the line. E.

129

Bracamoras, or Jaen de Bracamoras, in lat. 5 30' S. is in the district or province of Jaen in the kingdom of New Granada, on one of the branches of the Lauricocha or Tanguragua, which is one of the great rivers which contribute to form the vast Maranon, or river of the Amazons. E.

130

No place of that name is now found in our best maps. The principal town of the district of Chachapoyas has the same name, otherwise called St Juan de la Frontera. E.

131

Not far to the south of San Leon de Guanuco, in the mountains of Lauricocha, there are considerable silver mines. E.

132

No such place is now found on our maps in the province of Guamanga; but the ruins of a town named Vittoria are marked in the district of Calca, about fifty miles north-west from the city of Cuzco. Perhaps the Vittoria of the text is the town now called Guamanga. E.

133

Probably the country of the people now called Chunchos, who are implacable enemies to the Spaniards. E.

134

Probably the province now called Chicas on the eastern side of the Andes, occupying the head of the river Chirivionas which joins the Paraguay or Rio Plata. E.

135

Off the mouth of the river Lurin, in lat. 12 26' S. is the island of Pachacamac, probably indicating the situation of the ancient province of that name. E.

136

The first of the Incas is named by Robertson, II. 290. and III. 47. Manco Capac. E.

137

By Zarate this Inca is named Guaynacava, but the more general name used by Garcilasso de la Vega and other Spanish writers, and from them by the illustrious Robertson, is adopted in this translation. E.

138

Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 65, describes the bridge over the Apurimac not far from Cuzco, as about two hundred paces in length. He says that its floor consisted of three great cables as thick as the body of a man; having another cable on each side, a little raised, to serve as rails. The two hundred toises or four hundred yards of the text seem an exaggeration; perhaps a mistake of the French translator. E.

139

This prince is called Atabaliba by Zarate, and Atabalipa by some other writers, but we have chosen to follow the illustrious historian of America in naming him Atahualpa. E.

140

These names are not to be found in our best modern maps of Peru: but some other names not unlike, as Mayobamba, Chachapoyas, Partas, and Caxamarca, are in the present bishopric of Truxillo, the most northern in Peru proper, and therefore likely to have been the seat of war against the revolters in Quito. E.

141

The whole of this appendix to the first section is an addition to Zarate, extracted from Garcilasso de la Vega and Robertson; which, being too long for a note, has been placed in the text. The introductory part of this deduction is from the History of America, Vol. II p. 289. The list of kings is from Garcilasso, whose disarranged work is too confused for quotation. E.

142

By some authors an Inca Roca is here interposed, who was deposed after a reign of eleven days. E.

143

Not good.

144

Great Lake.

145

Mother Lake.

146

Huampu likewise signifies a canoe, and probably a ship might be named Atun huampu, a great canoe. E.

147

With regard to this person, the original French translator makes the following observation: "Perhaps this is the person named Hernando de Luque at the beginning of the first section, who is said to have been one of the original adventurers in the enterprize. If so, the name of de Luque on the former occasion may be an error of the press."-It must be observed however, that Garcilasso de la Vega names the third person of the original fraternity Hernando de Luque, and makes no mention whatever of Ponce de Leon. E.

148

Neither Zarate nor Garcilasso mention the number of troops embarked on this expedition, but we learn from Robertson, II. 206, that the whole armament consisted of 180 soldiers, 36 of whom were horsemen. E.

149

According to Robertson, II. 293, Pizarro landed in the bay of St Matthew. The distance of 100 Spanish leagues from Tumbez, mentioned by Garcilasso as the intended place of landing, would lead us to the Rio de Santjago in lat. 1 S. on the coast of Tacames or Esmeraldas. Garcilasso says that Pizarro had two vessels, which he immediately sent back to Panama. But these seem to have accompanied the march of Pizarro to Coaque. E.

150

From the sequel, this place appears to have been in the province of Tacames. E.

151

A species of gold coin worth 14 reals 18 maravedies. Garcilasso says that Pizarro sent 24000 or 25000 ducats of gold to Almagro, part of which was plunder, and part received in ransom for prisoners. E.

152

In making this small progress the whole of the year 1531 had been employed, and the year 1532 was already begun before Pizarro left Coaque.-Roberts. H. of Amer. II. 288.

153

Perhaps that now called Mancora, intermediate between the river of Tumbez and that of Piura. In this route Pizarro had to cross a mountainous district, not mentioned by Zarate, called the hills of Castro, Aguarro, and Pachini-E.

154

Garcillasso suspects that this message must have come from some curaca in the interest of Huascar, who was then a prisoner to Atahualpa. E.

155

San Miguel stands on the river Piuru, which runs into the sea upwards of forty miles farther south than the Chira. This colony being intended for a harbour to receive reinforcements, was probably first established at the mouth of the river, where Sechura now stands. The present town of San Miguel is near thirty miles from the sea-E.

156

In this adventurous march into the interior of an extensive empire, the forces commanded by Pizarro, who had now received several reinforcements, consisted of 62 horsemen and 102 foot soldiers, twenty of whom were armed with cross-bows, and only three carried muskets or rather matchlocks.-Robertson, H. of Amer. II. 295. He appears also to have had two small field-pieces. E.

157

This envoy would assuredly bring some other message; and accordingly Robertson, II. 296, says that he offered an alliance, and a friendly reception at Caxamarca. Garcilasso gives a long and vague account of the object of this message, and enumerates many articles of provisions and curiosities, and some rich presents of gold and silver dishes and vases which were sent on this occasion by Atahualpa to Pizarro. E.

158

Robertson, II. 299, suppresses all mention of any hostile intentions on the part of Atahualpa. E.

159

Robertson, note cxxx, justly observes, that the extravagant and absurd discourse of Valverde, of which that given by Zarate in the text is an epitome, is merely a translation or paraphrase of a form, concerted in 1509 by a junto of Spanish lawyers and divines, for directing the office employed in the New World how to take possession of any new country. E.

160

In this engagement, or massacre rather, according to one Spanish writer 2000 Peruvians were slain, while another author swells the number to six or seven thousand, and a third says five thousand. Of the Spaniards not one was even hurt except the general Pizarro, who was wounded in the hand by one of his own soldiers.-Roberts. Hist. of America. II. 302. and note cxxxi.

161

Considerable even as this sum appears, it seems too small for the sovereign of so vast an empire which abounded so much in gold; yet we have no means of correcting the amount. Garcilasso however mentions one piece of goid plate found in the baths of Atahualpa after the battle worth 100,000 ducats; but his work is so strange a farrago of confusion and absurdity as to bear very little authority. E.

162

The omission of the length and breadth of this room by Zarate, is supplied by Robertson, ii. 503, from the other original Spanish authors, who say the room was 22 feet long by 16 feet broad. The reach of Atahualpa could not be less than. 7-1/2 feet, 2640 cubic feet of gold, even heaped up of hollow vessels, must have produced a most astonishing value of that precious metal; but there are no data on which to calculate the numerical value of this imperial ransom, which the Spaniards certainly meant to accept, but would never have fulfilled the alternative. E.

163

The sum in the text is quite vaguely expressed; perhaps pieces of eight reals, or dollars. E.

164

At 17-1/2 leagues to the degree, this government accorded to Pizarro, would have reached from about Tacames to the lat. of 11 25' S. whereas the kingdom of Peru extends to lat. 21 35' S. and its most valuable and richest provinces would have fallen to the share of Almagro. E.

165

This expression is entirely vague, and does not even say which governor is meant. We shall see afterwards that this project of Almagro to appropriate the southern part of Peru took place at a subsequent period, and involved the recent conquest in long and destructive civil wars. E.

166

Reckoning the mark at eight ounces, the gold at L.4, and the silver at 5s 6d. per oz. this royal fifth would come to L.108,000, and the whole treasure to five times that sum, or L.540,000. But as the precious metals were then worth at least six times as much as now, or would purchase six times the amount of labour or necessaries, this first fruit of the conquest of Peru exceeded the value of three millions sterling. E.

167

Of this tragical event, the illustrious Historian of America, gives a somewhat different account, II. 310, from Herrera and Garcilasso de la Vega; which, as much too long for a note, is subjoined in the text to the narrative of Zarate, and distinguished by inverted commas. E.

168

Probably the district now called Jauja: as the x and j have nearly the same sound in Spanish with the aspirated Greek xi. E.

169

Apparently Guancavelica, in which is the town of Vilca-bamba. E.

170

This name of Paul could hardly be Peruvian. Manco Capac, a full brother of Huascar, had been recognized as Inca at Cuzco; perhaps the person named Paul by Zarate, is the same prince who is called Paullu by Gardilasso, and may have received that name in baptism at an after period. E.

171

This it probably an error of the press for Condesugo. To the south of Cusco, and in the plain of Peru, there are two contiguous districts named the Condesuyos of Arequipa and Cusco, which are probably the province alluded to in the text. The term seems Spanish; but it is not unusual with Zarate to substitute posterior names to those of the period concerning which he writes. E.

172

This paragraph is added from the history of America, II. 313, to the text of Zarate, as necessary to account for the subsequent operations of Pizarro, after the secession of a considerable part of his original followers. E.

173

Tumbez seems here substituted by mistake for Payta. San Miguel is not less than 130 miles from Tumbez, and only about 30 from Payta-E.

174

From the subsequent operations of Alvarado, this seems an error of the press for Quito. E.

175

Probably that now called Riobamba by the Spaniards, about 100 miles south from Quito. E.

176

Garcilasso says that the soldiers of both armies, being mostly natives of Estremedura, mixed together without permission of their officers, and made propositions of peace and amity, by which the generals were in a great measure forced to an agreement.

177

Two thousand marks of gold of eight ounces each, and the ounce at four pound Sterling are worth L.64,000, perhaps equivalent to near L.460,000 of modern money. E.

178

Perhaps that now called Xibarros, in the south of the kingdom of Quito. E.

179

According to Garcilosso, Pizarro made an additional free gift to Alvarado of 20,000 gold pesos to defray the expence of his voyage back to his government, with emeralds and turquoises to a considerable value, and several articles of gold plate for the use of his table. E.

180

Lima or Los Reyes is built on the banks of a river named Rimac or Limac by the Peruvians, whence its ordinary name of Lima. It is about ten miles from the sea, having a port named Callao at the mouth of the river. This city got the name of the City of the Kings; either from its foundation being laid on the 18th of January 1535, on the festival of the three kings; or in honour of Juana and Carlos, joint sovereigns of Castile. E.

181

Though not mentioned directly in the text, it appears that Almagro knew of and intended to conquer the country of Chili, and that he chose to march by the high country of Peru, through the great elevated valley of the lake Titicaca, probably the highest inhabited land of South America. His object was in all probability to avoid the extensive desert of Atacama, which divides the plain of Peru from Chili. E.

182

From the desert of Atacama in lat 25 S. to the island of Chiloe in about lat. 42 S. Chili Proper, between the Pacific ocean and the western ridge of the Andes, stretches about 1100 English miles nearly north and south by an average breadth of about 140 miles. E.

183

Valparayso stands nearly in the latitude indicated by the text. Valdivia, taking its name from that commander, is in lat. 3040' S. E.

184

Zarate is extremely remiss in regard to dates, and not a little confused in the arrangement of his narrative. We learn from Robertson, II. 325, that Ferdinand Pizarro returned to Peru in 1536. E.

185

According to Robertson, II. 326, the place where the festival was to be celebrated was only at a few leagues distance from Cuzco. Garcilasso says that it was a garden belonging to the Incas only a league from the city. E.

186

The return of Almagro to Cuzco was in the year 1537. E.

187

Garcilasso names this prince Paullu Inca. E.

188

Named Atavillos by Garcilasso de la Vega. E.

189

The arrangement of Zarate is extremely faulty and confused, as he here recounts circumstances which preceeded the return of Almagro to Cuzco. We are here giving a translation of a original document; not endeavouring to write a history of the Conquest of Peru, and have not therefore authority to alter the arrangement of our author. E.

190

Garcilasso names the Peruvian general Titu Yupanqui. The remainder of the sentence, respecting the brother of the Inca and Gaete, is quite unintelligible. I suspect it has been misunderstood by the French translator and ought to stand thus: "The commander of these Peruvians was Titu Yupanqui, a brother of the Inca, and the same person who had driven Gaete and others to take refuge in Lima."-E.

191

Abancay is a town on one of the branches of the Apurimac about 60 miles west from Cuzco. E.

192

We learn from the History of America, II. 331, that this bloodless victory over Alvarado took place on the 12th July 1537. Garcilasso calls it the battle of the river Amancay, and names Alvarado Alonso. E.

193

Nasca is about 240 miles S.S.E. from Lima, or about sixty Spanish leagues. E.

194

Zarate forgets that only a few lines before, he had mentioned that Almagro carried these officers along with his army:-E.

195

Mala, or San Pedro de Mala, is a town and sea-port on a river of the same name, about 50 miles south from Lima.

196

According to Robertson, II. 334, after an unsuccessful attempt to cross the mountains by the direct road from Lima to Cuzco, Ferdinand marched southwards in the maritime plain to Nasca, whence he penetrated by the defiles of the mountains in that quarter. E.

197

Garcilasso informs us that the musketeers of Pizarro used a kind of chain shot on this occasion; their leaden bullets being cast in two hemispheres connected together by several links of a small iron chain. E.

198

In Zarate the date of this battle is given as the 26th of April, in which he is followed by Robertson; but Garcilasso carefully notices the mistake, and assures us that it was fought on the 6th of the month. E.

199

Collao in the text is probably Cailloma of modern maps, a very elevated valley at the head of one of the branches of the Apurimac. The marshy country beyond, to which Candia and Peranzures were sent on discovery, is called Musu by Garcilasso, and was probably the Pampas or marshy plains of the Mojos or Muju, to the east of the Andes, nearly in the latitude of Cailloma-E.

200

We learn from Garcilasso that in this province the city of La Plata was afterwards built, not far distant from the famous mines of Potosi and Porco-E.

201

Perhaps the Inca Titu Yupanqui is here meant, who was named Tizogopangui by Zarate on a former occasion. E.

202

We shall have a future opportunity of giving a better account of the discovery and conquest of Chili than this extremely meagre notice by Zarate from Molina, Ovalle and other early authors. The nameless city mentioned by Zarate was probably St Jago de Chili, which was founded by Valdivia. The commencement of the Valdivian expedition was in the year 1530. E.

203

This force, according to Garcilasso, amounted to 100 horse, and an equal number of foot. E.

204

According to Garcilasso de la Vega, his force consisted of 340 Spaniards, of whom 150 were horsemen. E.

205

These Indians, according to Garcilasso, were laden with arms, provisions, and ammunition, besides large quantities of hatchets, ropes, nails, and wooden pins, to use upon occasion. E.

206

Perhaps the elevated valley of Macas on the river Morona which runs into the Tunguragua. E.

207

Even Garcilasso, who is sufficiently fond of the marvellous and ever ready to adopt absurdities, honestly relates of these Amazons, that they were a fierce and wild nation of men, whose wives went forth to war along with their husbands; and that Orellana invented the tale of a nation of Amazons to raise the honour of his atchievement, and to induce the emperor to bestow upon him the government of the country he had discovered. E.

208

According to Garcilasso, he contrived with great difficulty and danger to navigate in his rude bark from the mouth of the Marannon or Amazons to the island of Trinidada, where he purchased a ship for his voyage to Spain. E.

209

The river Napo joins the Maranon in lat. 3 20' S. and long. 70 W. But we are uncertain whether this were the place where Orellana deserted, as there are many junctions of large rivers in the course of the vast Maranon. The two greatest of its tributary streams are the Negro which joins in long. 60 W. from the north, and the Madeira in long. 58 W. from the south. E.

210

Garcilasso preserves the name of that faithful Spaniard, Hernando Sanchez de Vargas, a young gentleman of Badajoz. E.

211

We learn from Garcilasso that this new road was on the north side of the river, Napo probably, and consequently that they had kept the south side in their way eastwards. E.

212

It is hardly necessary to say that cinnamon comes only from Ceylon, not from the Moluccas; and that so entirely different was the substance sought for in this disastrous expedition from cinnamon, that it is now entirely unknown in Europe; unless it be the Canella alba, now only used as a light aromatic of small value by druggists.

Zarate is generally loose and confused in his accounts, and almost entirely neglectful of dates. We learn from the History of America that this unfortunate expedition lasted near two years, and that two hundred and ten Spaniards and four thousand Indians perished during its continuance, only eighty Spaniards returning to Quito. Garcilasso says that two thousand of the Indians returned along with the Spaniards, and served them during the hardships of the journey with the most affectionate fidelity, supplying their extreme necessities with herbs, roots, and wild fruit, and with toads, snakes, and other reptiles, which the Spaniards greedily devoured, or they must have died for want of food. E.

213

The festival of St John the Evangelist is on the 5th May but the assasination of the Marquis did not take place till the 26th June 1541. E.

214

In a former note, it has been mentioned, on the authority of Robertson, that Francisco de Alcantara was the uncle of Pizarro by his mother; yet Garcilasso calls him his brother, and perhaps he was so by a different father. E.

215

The language of the French translator is here rather equivocal, but distinctly bears the construction here given of the marquis being at supper in the house of de Alcantara. E.

216

By Garcilasso, Velasquez is called the Chief Justice. E.

217

Garcilasso, quoting Zarate, says that the body was dragged to church by some negroes; the French translator says quelques miserables. E.

218

According to Garcilasso, the marquis had only one son and one daughter, Don Francisco being the son of his brother Gonzalo. Don Gonzalo, the only son of the marquis, was born of a daughter of Atahualpa, not a sister, named Angelina. Donna Francisca was the marquises daughter by Ynes Huayllas Nusta, a daughter of the Inca Huana Capac, whose Christian name was Donna Beatrix. E.

219

This chapter is merely a continuation of the history of the discovery and conquest of Peru, by Zarate: but we have thought proper to divide it in this manner, separating the transactions which took place during the life of Francisco Pizarro, from those which occurred after his death. E.

220

Il les fit prenare, are the words of the French translator: prendre may possibly be an error of the press on this occasion for pendre; in which case those officers of the late marquis were ordered to be hanged; and indeed they do not appear in the sequel. E.

221

There must have been two persons in Peru of this name and surname, as we have already seen one Francisco de Chaves killed on the same day with the marquis. E.

222

This officer was father to the historian of the same name. E.

223

It was now the year 1542. E.

224

As Zarate introduces Vaca de Castro into the history of Peru without any previous notice of his appointment, it has been deemed proper to give a short account of his commission from Robertsons History of America, II. 339, which, being too long for a note, is distinguished in the text by inverted commas. E.

225

The remainder of the circumstances relative to de Castro, here quoted, are to be found in Robertson II. 353.; the other events in the history of Peru having been already given from Zarate. E.

226

We now return to the narrative of Zarate. E.

227

Garcilasso says, that on this occasion, the Inca Manca Capac, who had retired to the mountains, in remembrance of the friendship which had subsisted between him and the elder Almagro, provided Don Diego with large quantities of armour, swords and saddles, which had been formerly taken from the Spaniards, sufficient to arm two hundred men. E.

228

The rank of serjeant major in the Spanish service appears to answer to our adjutant, as applied to a battalion: On the present occasion Carvajal may be considered as adjutant general under Vaca de Castro. Maestre de Campo seems equivalent to Major-General. E.

229

Garcilasso, himself a mestee, says that Don Diego was the bravest Mestizo, or son of a Spaniard by an Indian woman, that ever the New World produced. E.

230

According to Garcilasso, of 1500 combatants, including both sides, 500 men were slain, and about an equal number wounded; the royalists having 500 killed and 400 wounded, while the rebels had only 200 slain and 100 wounded. In this estimate he has surely made a material error, as he makes the killed and wounded of the royalists equal to the whole number thay had in the field. E.

231

At this place, a naked list of a great number of names of those who signalized themselves in the battle, are enumerated by Zarate, but omitted here as altogether uninteresting. E.

232

This appears to countenance the account of Garcilasso in a former note, who probably quoted from Zarate; but the latter does not limit this number to the royal troops. E.

233

Obviously a misunderstood description of alligators. Indeed the whole account of this country, now called Colona, seems to have been derived from the reports of Indians, and is in many circumstances entirely fabulous, as is well known from the more recent accounts of the Jesuit missions. E.

234

Carabaya is an elevated valley of considerable extent, to the south east of Cuzco. A mark of gold or eight ounces is worth about L.32; hence we may readily believe so rich a days work was seldom made. E.

235

The author of this history. E.

236

About that distance to the north of Lima is the town of Huaura, which is probably the place indicated in the text, as in many names of places in Peru the initial syllable Gua or Hua, are interchangeably used by different authors. E.

237

Zarate is exceedingly negligent in regard to dates. We learn from the history of America, II. 370, that the present occurrences took place in 1544. E.

238

It has been already mentioned in a former note, that this is probably a different orthography for Huaura, a place about 70 miles to the N.N. W. of Lima. E.

239

Arequipa is a considerable way from the coast, on which there are several harbours, thirty or forty miles distant. E.

240

Garcilasso de la Vega differs somewhat in the names of one or two of these leading men who deserted from Gonzalo, and enumerates a considerable number more, among whom he names one Pedro Pizarro, saying they were in all about forty, with many of whom he was personally acquainted. E.


SECTION II. Commencement of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, and renewal of the civil war in Peru by the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro | A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol.IV |